Welsh Surnames: Why are there so many Joneses in Wales? 8 February 2010 Genealogists and family historians are often frustrated by the limited number of surnames in Wales. Why is this so? Professor Prys Morgan, co-author of the book Welsh Surnames, explains the reasons why... What was the old Welsh way of naming? What was the old Welsh way of naming? The Welsh only began to have fixed surnames about 500 years ago. Before that period, 4 — 500 years ago, the Welsh simply didn't have a system of fixed surnames at all. Well now, how did they manage without fixed surnames, you will ask. They managed perfectly well by everybody having a baptismal name, a first name, just as we have today, and then they affixed to that, by a little particle ap, which meant 'son of', they just fixed their father and their grandfather's name and their forefathers' name going back to about nine generations. So if you asked someone who he was and he said, 'Well I'm John.' 'Oh that's not good enough. I mean John who, John what are you?' And he would say, 'Well I'm John ap John ap Gruffydd ap Meilyr ap Llywelyn ap Gwasmeir ap Gwasmihangel ap Rhys ap Gwasteilo and so on. And the reason why each person in Wales had this long rigmarole of a genealogy instead of a name, he had a genealogy, the reason for it was very very important to society. It wasn't a matter of fancy at all, or snobbishness at all. It was that according to the laws of Hywel Dda (Hywel the Good), Welsh people didn't hold land for example as individuals. The only way they could hold land was by proving that they were descendants of a forefather, nine or ten or twelve generations back, who had held the tribal lands. And so if you couldn't show someone a satisfactory genealogy, well tough! You didn't have any right to farm the lands. How did the Welsh get surnames? How did the Welsh get surnames? When about 500 years ago the Welsh were asked to take on a system of fixed surnames on the English pattern of Jackson and Greenfield and so on, they were asked to have a fixed surname and to pass that surname on to all their descendants. The Welsh were asked, 'Well, what is the thing that gives you status in your society?' And they said, 'Well we don't want nicknames, we don't want trade names. The only thing that we think of as important is our father's name.' And so they were asked, 'Well what is your father's name?' And they would say,' Well my name is John and my father is Gruffydd.' 'Alright. Well you will be John Griffiths.' And the other one would say, 'Well my father is John.' So they would say, 'Well you are to be John Jones.' But why so many Joneses? In exactly the same period, there was a period of streamlining and simplifying the Christian name. And this happened all over Europe, by the way, not just in Wales. But it had a very, very bad effect upon Welsh names because instead of having this magnificent variety of hundreds of ancient pagan names like Llywarch and Gwalchmai, which were — I mean Llywarch was the name of an ancient Celtic pagan god. And — or having a huge number of Catholic devotional names like Gwasdewi (the devotee of St David) or Gwasmeir (the devotee of the Virgin Mary) or Gwasmihangel (the follower of St Michael the archangel). Instead of having this huge variety of Catholic names and pagan names, people became very frightened and nervous as to what should be given as a name, and people invented a short catalogue of safe respectable names. And there were only about a dozen of them. A few safe Biblical names like John, Thomas and David, and a few safe royal names like Richard, Edward, Henry. That was the only sort of name that was safe to give. About a dozen names. So the great tragedy was that at the very time that the Welsh were being forced by the clerks of the courts or the parsons of the parishes to take fixed surnames, it was the very time when the Welsh were being forced to take a very very small range of names. So there were hundreds and hundreds of people being forced to take fixed surnames at the very time when there were hundreds and hundreds of fathers being given the name John. So their children, also probably John, landed up in three generations, instead of being Llywarch ap Gwalchmai ap Gwasmihangel, they ended up being John Jones. And that's all. John Jones. Hundreds and hundreds of John Jones.
Cock fighting 14 August 2009 Introduction Cockfighting featured prominently on the rural calendar, and was popular with all sections of society throughout Wales until the early 19th century. Originally introduced to Britain by the Romans, cockfighting was popular among all social classes in Wales from the Middle Ages until the mid nineteenth century. Cockpits were common in most villages and spectators travelled from near and far to attend the fights. Cocks would be trained for many months before fighting, and were looked after by men called 'feeders'. Birds practised sparring every day and after exercise were fed and watered. The correct diet was extremely important, and each feeder followed his own secret feeding programme: brandy, raw steak, maggots and even urine were just some of the varied ingredients used. The fight Spurs worn by fighting gamecocks. Before a fight the cock was fitted with sharp steel or silver spurs (which could fatally wound an opponent in a single strike) and then brought to the middle of the pit. Here it stood, facing its opponent, only inches apart. At a signal from the master of the match, the battle began, and continued until one bird was killed or badly injured. Charms thought to protect and safeguard fighting cocks were sometimes used. These included biblical verses or cryptic words and signs, which were written on pieces of paper small enough to be slotted into the spurs. Superstitious owners also believed that birds fed with soil from under the church altar would become unbeatable and capable of killing all opponents. Such spells and charms were annulled, however, if the fight took place on the hallowed ground of a churchyard, where it was thought that bouts could not be affected by external forces. The Welsh Main Glass rummer from Pontypridd, inscribed with an image of fighting cocks, with the name J. Lewis. 1850. A great number of cockfighting bouts were held during Easter. One of the severest tests on the cockfighting calendar was the Welsh Main, practised both in England and Wales, when only the best birds competed and large amounts of money were laid on the outcome. The Main usually featured over thirty birds, which fought each other head to head until only one was left standing. Other variants of cock fighting included 'shying at cocks', when spectators hurled pieces of wood at a bird in the pit, attempting to knock it over. 'Throwing at cocks' was particularly cruel and involved tying birds to a stake and shooting at them with staves. The popularity of cock-fighting in Wales peaked during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, at a time when a series of religious revivals nationwide condemned sports and pastimes as sinful activities which guaranteed hell and damnation for all involved. The Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act in 1849 made cock-fighting illegal, both to protect the birds' welfare and to stop the gathering of frequently unruly spectators who so enjoyed the gambling and heavy drinking usually associated with the contests. We can be sure, however, that cock fights continued to be held illegally long afterwards, and as late as 1952 a cockfighting act was passed making it an offence to possess any instruments associated with the sport. Cockpits Both covered and open air pits were used for cockfights. The circular indoor cockpit re-erected at St Fagans National History Museum stood originally in the yard of the Hawk and Buckle Inn, Denbigh, and although its exact date is uncertain, may well have been built during the late seventeenth century. Since none of the cockpit's original indoor fixtures remained when it was acquired by the Museum in 1965, the centre stage, surrounding gangway and two-tiered seating accommodation are all modern constructions. Further reading Owen, Elias, 'Churchyard Games in Wales', The Reliquary and Illustrated Archaeologist, vol 2 (1896), 154-161. Peate, Iorwerth C., 'The Denbigh Cockpit and Cockfighting in Wales', Denbighshire Historical Society Transactions, vol.19 (1970), 125-132. Author: Emma Lile, Curator: Traditional Music, Sports & Customs. Amgueddfa Cymru
Traditional fishing practices on the Severn Estuary 25 September 2007 The lave net. Blackrock Lave Net Fishermen, beside the Second Severn Crossing. From left to right: Bob Leonard, Richard Morgan a Martin Morgan. The centuries-old fishing method of 'Lave Net fishing' continues along the banks of the River Severn. The waters of the Severn Estuary are among the most dangerous in Wales but this has not deterred generations of fishermen from fishing its rich waters for salmon. Traditional Welsh methods of catching salmon survived particularly strongly in the area. Within living memory a range of methods were used, including putcher ranks, stopping boats, putts, drift nets and lave netting. Lave Net fishing is the only traditional method to have survived into the 21st century. Unique historic significance The number of lave netsmen has declined over the years and now can only be seen in the area of the Second Severn Crossing close to the villages of Sudbrook and Portskewett in Monmouthshire. The Blackrock Lave Net Fishermen Association, carry on a tradition that has a unique cultural and historical significance. Fish are caught at low tides, known as spring tides, using a hand-held net. At one time fishermen were allowed to fish from February to August but this has since been restricted from June to August. At most, they can fish for an hour and a half at a time depending on weather conditions. Fishing commences as it always has with the fishermen going down to the shore at Black Rock standing where their grandfathers and great-grandfathers once stood. The basic technique for lave fishing is simple, the hand-staff is held in one hand and the headboard with the other, whilst the fingers are entwined in the bottom of the mesh feeling for the fish. The net is positioned in front of the fisherman, to face the run of the water. The fishermen consider wind direction and the height of the tide, with the optimum conditions being flat and calm. At one time there was no need to divide the catch as there was sufficient salmon for everyone. Times have changed and commercial fishing using the lave net has not been viable on the estuary since before the Second World War. Prior to 1939 the fish were sent to Billingsgate Market in London. The lave netsmen are as skilled as their forefathers but due to the diminishing fish stocks they are lucky if they catch more than a dozen fish for the season. They fish to keep their centuries old craft alive as Martin Morgan, Secretary of the Association explains "Lave fishing has a tradition going back a thousand years in Wales. My great-grandfather was a fisherman and passed his skills on through the family". Background Reading Severn Tide by Brian Waters. Published by J.M. & Sons Ltd (1947). Nets and Coracles by J. Geraint Jenkins. Published by David and Charles (1974).
The forgotten festivals of Wales 11 September 2007 Gŵyl mabsant The game of 'fives', rather like a primitive form of squash, often took place against the church walls. Image from The Cambrian Popular Antiquities, Peter Roberts (1815). The gŵyl mabsant was one of the most popular rural festivals in Wales. Commemorating the local parish saint, this annual celebration developed from a dedication through prayer to a programme of recreational activities, enjoyed by all. Gŵylmabsantau was mentioned in writing as early as 1470, and the festival was common throughout Wales up until the end of the 19th century. From cockfighting to grinning matches Competitions at the festivals ranged from running races to old women's grinning matches and blindfolded wheelbarrow-driving. At the three day sports event held in Llangyfelach near Swansea in 1780, competitions and prizes included a women's race for a smock and petticoat and eating a hot pudding for a silver table spoon. Animal sports were a familiar scene, particularly cockfights, on which large amounts of money were wagered. Birds were specially trained for the contest, and the owner of a victorious cockerel was held in high esteem. Early versions of Association Football were often played over Christmas, New Year and at Shrovetide. Large crowds of spectators gathered to witness the matches, which, owing to a lack of pre-determined rules, tended to degenerate into chaos, with injuries being common. Bando Bando was another favoured team sport and continued in some areas until the late 19th century. Particularly popular in Glamorgan, bando was similar to the modern game of hockey and teams used clubs to strike the ball towards a goal. A rowdy reputation Cockfighting featured prominently on the rural calendar, and was popular with all sections of society throughout Wales until the early 19th century. Owing to the combination of betting, feasting and alcohol consumption, it was not surprising that parish festivals built-up a reputation for their rowdiness. Publicans often played a significant role in organising and promoting sports events, many being arranged over the bar. The games contested were high-spirited and unwritten rules were often decided informally before the start of a match. As many sports were localised activities, rules usually differed from place to place, leading to disagreements between parishes. Concern regarding the unlicensed revelry and alcoholic over-indulgence commonly occurring at the festivals, as well as the doubtful benefits of the games themselves, was increasingly voiced from the 18th century onwards, most noticeably by religious leaders. Worthless and sinful The Methodist and other religious revivals which swept across Wales from the mid 18th century until the turn of the 20th century, attacked sporting activities indiscriminately as worthless and sinful. Physical recreation was viewed by some as a great threat to the morals of the population. Eminent religious figures, such as Thomas Charles, tried to suppress impious fairs and festivals, in 1799 he described Wales as "sunk in superstition and vice". Consequently, parishioners turned increasingly to churches and chapels for release and salvation, and as prayer meetings were sometimes purposely arranged to clash with sports days, religion became a potent force in the eventual decline of the Gŵyl Mabsant. Background Reading "Gŵyl Mabsant" by T.Llew Jones. In Llafar Gwlad p10-11 (Winter, 1997), p8-9 (Spring, 1998). "Festivals and social structure in early modern Wales" by Richard Suggett. In Past and Present, vol. 152, p79-112 (August, 1996).
A 'Real' Welsh Costume? 6 July 2007 The image of the 'Welsh Lady', in a tall black hat, red shawl and flannel skirt is very well known. It has become the national costume of Wales. But how does it compare with what was really worn in the past? Watercolour sketch of Welsh woman knitting, showing footless stockings, mid-19th century What is a national costume? Historians have to use a variety of different information to piece together what people actually wore every day. The created a national costume from clothing worn by women in the countryside. This image has ensured the survival of many elements of real Welsh dress. Early sources of information In order to discover the true nature of rural dress within Wales during the 18th and 19th centuries, it is necessary to investigate sources from the time. For the earlier period, the main sources are manuscript and published accounts, diaries and letters of travellers to Wales, together with paintings produced by artists who journeyed through Wales. From the 1830s, there are more frequent accounts from those who lived in Wales, and who had an interest in the Welsh language and traditional ways of life, not only artists and historians, but also enthusiasts such as Augusta Hall, Lady Llanover. Mass tourism Later in the century, the arrival of the railways brought the beginning of mass tourism, which generated souvenir prints, china and, finally, postcards. Fortunately, there were also numerous photographers with a real interest in traditional culture, rural crafts and agriculture. They have recorded a lost society, and, incidentally, their clothing. Finally, there is material culture; most of the existing garments in museum collections date from the middle of the 19th century onwards. Approach with caution All of these sources must be used with great caution. Most of the literary sources are outsiders' accounts which concentrate on the quaint and unusual. Paintings can be romanticised and photographs often staged. The huge interest in national identity at the beginning of the 19th century within Wales, which resulted in the creation of an artificial 'standard' national dress, has for many years hidden the true, varied image of the rural population. Rural costume Careful analysis however can provide evidence for the actual garments worn in everyday life, particularly with regard to working clothes. It is certainly possible to identify elements of rural dress, such as the general use of woollen fabric and the wearing of aprons, kerchiefs and men's hats. Some of this survived as part of rural dress even into the twentieth century. Workwear or national costume? Only aprons and shawls have survived in any number. Dresses and skirts were usually worn out or re-used as rags. This is hardly surprising when one considers the condition of some of those depicted in photographs. A number of flannel petticoats, however, have survived, perhaps because, as undergarments, they were protected by skirts. Many of these are kept in museum collections as examples of 'Welsh costume'. They are in fact not garments belonging to a conscious 'national' dress at all, but real 'peasant' or rural dress, part of the flannel-wearing tradition.
